First, from the AP:

— The Supreme Court took no action Tuesday in the case involving the District of Columbia’s ban on handguns.

The justices discussed the case at their private conference on Friday, but reached no resolution.

Four justices must vote to grant an appeal. The court does not always reach a decision the first time it discusses a case.

At issue is the capital’s 31-year ban on handguns, among the strictest gun-control laws in the nation. In March, a federal appeals court struck down the ban as incompatible with the Second Amendment.

The justices next meet on Nov. 20 to consider accepting appeals. Their decision could be announced then or when the court convenes for oral arguments on Nov. 26.

This possible case, of course, has newspaper op-eds all a-twitter. Bloggers like me, too. Writing in the LA Times, Robert A. Levy notes that there are several issues involved:

The first is the knotty question of whether the 2nd Amendment can be invoked against state governments. Until 1868, when the 14th Amendment was ratified, the Bill of Rights applied only to the federal government. But in the aftermath of the Civil War, much of the Bill of Rights was considered “incorporated” by the 14th Amendment to bind the states as well. Regrettably, the incorporation of the 2nd Amendment has not yet been settled. And that issue did not arise in Parker because the District of Columbia is a federal enclave, not a state.

The second question is even more complicated: What restrictions on gun possession and use would be permissible? Almost no one argues that 2nd Amendment rights are absolute. After all, under the 1st Amendment, the right to free speech does not protect disturbing the peace; religious freedom does not shield human sacrifice.

Similarly, gun regulations can be imposed on some weapons (e.g., missiles), some people (e.g., preteens) and some uses (e.g., murder). Indeed, the appeals court acknowledged that Washington might be able to justify such things as concealed-carry restrictions, registration requirements and proficiency testing.

But the Constitution does not permit an across-the-board ban on all handguns, in all homes, for all residents, as in the case of the Washington ban (with the exception of current and retired police officers). Somewhere in the middle, regulations will be deemed constitutional even if the Supreme Court upholds the lower court.

Naturally there are many who believe that the Second Amendment only refers to state militias or the National Guard, not to individual ownership. Levy points out:

Significantly, the 2nd Amendment refers explicitly to “the right of the people,” not the rights of states or the militia. And the Bill of Rights is the section of our Constitution that deals exclusively with individual liberties.

Let’s say they (the High Court) affirms an individual right. USA Today offers a suggestion:

Even the appeals court that knocked down Washington’s law was at pains to say “reasonable restrictions” could still pass constitutional muster. Suggested examples included prohibiting drunks from carrying weapons and banning guns in polling places, surely a modest start.

Left unsettled, though, is just where the limits lie. Is there a difference, for example, between outlawing stingers that can shoot down airplanes and outlawing automatic weapons that can mow down children in a schoolyard?

If the court can draw a distinction, perhaps it can alter the nation’s paralytic debate over gun control. This page has long suggested that the proper starting point is registration of guns and licensing of their users. That does not infringe the rights of gun owners, but it can instill safety skills and avert tragedies such as last spring’s massacre by a mentally disturbed student at Virginia Tech.

Au contraire! Since when is a right subject to registration and licensing? Should editorial writers have to be registered and licensed to practice their right to freedom of speech? Shall we license book and magazine publishers?

In point of fact, some rights are registered, such as the right to vote, although that is mostly to prevent voter fraud. I’ve even seen suggestions that voters be “licensed” to ensure they have a rudimentary cognizance of what they’re voting for. That harkens back to the old days of the South and discrimination against blacks through a “poll tax.” For that matter, the public airwaves are licensed and highly regulated.

I predict that if the High Court agrees to hear the case, and they decide that the Second Amendment is an individual right, they will go to great pains to make sure that that right can be highly regulated. DC won’t be able to ban handguns anymore, but they’ll be able to raise so many hurdles to obtaining or carrying one that the people who need one the most — folks living in poor, crime infested neighborhoods — won’t be able to afford one.

Meanwhile, the Niagara Gazette says:

. . .And the Supreme Court should carefully consider the implications of this decision on state legislators and the judges who interpret and enforce those laws. A decision by the nation’s highest court upholding an individual affirmation of handgun ownership might have few practical effects beyond the law’s narrow purview, the District of Columbia. But the implications — a tacit approval for looser gun laws — could foster a judicial mindset that produces some very bad decisions down the road.

Sounds like they’re suggesting that SCOTUS ignore the constitutional questions of the amendment and instead focus on how it will effect local laws around the country. Is that really the standard they’d like courts to apply in their decisions?